.
Unlike greed, lies, abuse and false claims,
. rain falls and doesn’t stain.
Lord, through grace,
as we call upon you in repentance,
teach us to grasp tenderness;
To build upon it a reflection
. of your love and just benevolence.
.
(RL2017)
Archives For April 2017
Royal Navy & A.I.F, Holsworthy WW1,, 12th Reinforcements 4th Batt WW1. Papua New Guinea WW2, Royal Australian Airforce 1950’s & Army Reseve 1980’s. (Frederick W. Petrie not pictured).
I have a difficult relationship with Anzac day.
I’m fond of the practice of remembrance, but conflicted with what it forces me to remember.
It reminds the Australian people of their unique history, and place in the world. One that Australians can too easily take for granted.
For those of us with forefathers who were broken by war, it can be difficult. The war they fought, is the war they also brought home.
As their children we find ourselves busy trying to reconcile ourselves with those who found it difficult to be repatriated.
A personal example of this is my Great-Great grandfather, Frederick William Petrie. He was a locomotive fireman (stoker) and a volunteer, who’d enlisted in the AIF in December 1916, at the age of 36.
He went to France, where he became a corporal in the ‘6th Australian broad gauge railroad company’ (6th A.B.G.R.O Coy). His war record shows that he served until July, 1918. Four months before the war was officially declared over.
Frederick was discharged due to ‘neurasthenia’; a general condition related to ‘shell shock’.
That is, he suffered from ‘severe fatigue and emotional distress’.
This was more than likely brought on by the trauma of spending eighteen months shovelling coal into the belly of a steam train, moving back and forth with supplies to ‘barren and bloodied battlefields’ (King).
Although Frederick was a non-combatant, as an engineer, his support role was crucial to the allied advance.
It put him in harms way in one of the most back breaking, nerve shattering jobs available – You can’t dodge artillery barrages in a train, nor bombs from the air dropped by an enemy you can’t see; and can only brace against after the first shell has landed.
Lt. R.J Burchell in an interview for the ‘West Australian’ in 1919 said about the circumstances train drivers faced:
‘we were not fighting troops, but I may say that the whole of our sphere of operations was within range of the enemy’s artillery, and he paid particular attention to the railways, both with his heavy guns and aeroplane bombs. Even…the furthest back station of the 4th company was under fire from the 15in guns…With both planes and guns the enemy paid systematic attention to our main lines of rail, so you can realise that life in a railway unit was not altogether a picnic. The 5th Coy…had the worst of it…their section of line was continually exposed to bomb raids and gunfire, night and day, and their casualties were heavy…the amount of work behind a great army is tremendous. Despite the network of lines, I have seen 280 trains per day pass over a single section of line, and trains carry 1000-ton loads…the difficulties and odds against which they had to contend are seldom realised.’
(Lt. R.J Burchell 5th coy, The West Australian, June 1919)
My great-great grandfather returned to Australia in 1918, and had difficulty readjusting to a peacetime existence.
He helped raise my Grandfather, ‘Ted’, who was practically abandoned by his father and mother after their shotgun wedding fell through.
‘Ted’ joined the Australian Airforce as an aircraft fitter in the 1950’s. A testimony from his eventual court-martial indicates the difficulty imposed on families by the ongoing effects of war:
Adding to this the representative for his defence argued that:
Although I have reason, I refuse to ‘howl with the wolves’ (Barth) and ridicule Anzac Day, deconstructing it, in an overexcited academic orgy that decries war, the evils of Patriarchy or the evils of Western civilisation.
I simply want to state that for me and my family, along with a large portion of Australians, Anzac day forces us to confront a ‘stubborn fact – the brutally elementary data’ (Arendt cited by Elshtain, 2000, p.135), which proves that the causalities of war are not only the servicemen thrown into it’s abyss, but their families as well.
There’s a ripple effect that impacts wives, children and the generations that followed these men.
Anzac day is not about a nations ideology. Anzac day is about a nations remembrance; its humanity and its theology. This is exhibited every April when a nation makes room for healing, gratitude and the acknowledgement that, those generations directly impacted by war are not forgotten.
Anzac day allows us the room to reflect and explain to others that we bear the burden of their scars, not just the benefit of their medals.
Anzac day should affect us.
If the gravity of it doesn’t force us to reflect, we will end up serving an ignorance that puts us one misstep away from repeating history.
This also has theological relevance. Such as James’ call to look out for the widow and the orphan (Jm.1:27), and David’s reminder that ‘God is the father of the fatherless and protector of widows’ (Ps.68:5).
The benefit of Anzac day is that it allows a nation the room to grieve collectively.
According to my family history, we are the children of soldiers.
We do not carry their wounds, but we do carry their scars.
We still feel the effects of the price they paid.
Today, in my family there’s gaps in the family tree. There’s fatherlessness, alcoholism, mental health problems and serious interpersonal conflicts.
These are largely caused by a generation who’s trauma informs ours.
Because this goes unacknowledged, it is like watching ripples spread out from a point of impact in my family’s history.
Anzac day helps me to frame that drama in a very real context.
War, is in large part the cause of that dysfunction, and the ashes we inherit.
War disinherits.
War costs families. It diminishes the potential for healthy and holistic relationships.
For which the only antidote is God’s door of grace, and His living example of forgiveness.
This is why Anzac day remains an important practice of remembrance.
It allows each generation to move forward.
It allows room for people to own their stories, leaving at the foot of the cross, the psychological, spiritual, emotional and financial dysfunction that war causes.
The hope of Anzac Day is Jesus Christ.
It compels us to align ourselves with the table turning Messiah (Mt.21:12), who, through His Spirit, constantly works in ordinary people, doing extraordinary things, even when we don’t see it.
It’s only here that we can genuinely catch our breath, and see beauty rise up from the ashes.
#LestWeForget.
References (not otherwise linked):
Elshtain, J.B 2000 ‘Who are we?: Critical reflections and hopeful possibilities Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing company, Grand Rapids, Michigan
After being summoned by General George C Marshall on February the 11th, 1942, Hollywood directer, Frank Capra, famous for ‘It’s a wonderful life’, and ‘You can’t take it with you’, walked into the Pentagon .
Before Capra had received the invitation, he had been in the process of reviewing an offer of a partnership which, in his own words ‘would have made him part owner of “United Artists”. Easily placing him in the multi-millionaire class’[i] and potentially exempting him from War time service.
After wrestling with the decision Capra concluded:
‘Why trade fame, glamour, and wealth for a number stamped on a dog tag?…
I was bored with the applause. Furthermore, I had a guilty conscience. In my films I championed the cause of the gentle, the poor, the downtrodden, yet I began to live like the Aga Khan.[ii]’
Responding to Marshall’s invitation, Capra went from red carpet to khaki green.
Expecting to be assigned to the Signal Corps, he was surprised, and a little annoyed to find, that he had been reassigned to the newly created Morale Branch (Special Services)[iii]. Capra’s appointment was to remind many about ‘the reason why [they were being called to fight], because it was hazy in their minds[iv]’
Despite being uneasy, tense, and apprehensive[v]. His meeting with Marshall went ahead, and it went better than expected. Capra’s straight up honesty and his clear separation from being a typical “Hollywood type” – someone who ‘wouldn’t step on a carpet unless it was red’ [vi] – appeared to have justified Marshall’s choice.
Under Marshall’s authority and at his request, Capra would produce a series of documentary movies that would serve as training videos for Australians, New Zealanders, Canadians and Britain. All to help counter Axis propaganda because as Marshall explained:
‘The assumption of the Axis powers is that our boys will be too soft, too undisciplined to stand up against their highly trained, highly indoctrinated, highly motivated professional armies. They are sure the spirit and the morale of their individual soldier is superior to ours. He has something to fight and die for – victory for the superman; establishing the new age of the superstate. The spoils of such a victory are a heady incentive.
How can we counter their superman incentive? … Will young, freewheeling American boys take the iron discipline of wartime training; endure the killing cold of the Arctic, the hallucinating heat of the desert, or the smelly muck of the jungle? Can they shake off the psychological diseases indigenous to all armies – boredom and homesickness?
In my judgement the answer is ‘Yes’! Young Americans, and young men of all free countries, are used to doing and thinking for themselves. They will prove not only equal, but superior to totalitarian soldiers, if – and this is a large if, indeed – they are given answers as to why they are in uniform, and if the answers they get are worth fighting and dying for’
‘That Capra is our job – and your job. To win this war we must win the battle for men’s minds. I want you to nail down a plan to make a series of documented, factual-information films that will explain why we are fighting and the principle for which we are fighting’’[vii]
In response to Marshall, Capra said:
“I have never before made a single documentary film. In fact, I’ve never even been near anybody that’s made one”
Marshall countered back:
“Capra, I have never been a chief of staff before. Thousands of young Americans have never had their legs shot off before. Boys are commanding ships today, who a year ago had never seen the ocean before’’
To which Capra replied:
“I’m sorry, sir. I’ll make you the best damned documentary films ever made’’
He then turned to resolving the question of how? :
‘‘Shortly after General Marshall ordered me to make the ‘’Why we Fight’’ films for our servicemen, I saw Leni Riefenstahl’s terrifying motion picture, Triumph of the Will…it fired no guns, dropped no bombs. But as a psychological weapon aimed at destroying the will to resist, it was just as lethal…
I sat alone and pondered. How could I mount a counterattack against Triumph of the Will; keep alive our will to resist the master race?’ [viii]
Capra is by far one of my favourite filmmakers from the Hollywood Golden era. In his own words he tells us that he wrestled hard with the issues, and in the end chose to fight propaganda with facts. Capra was what Radiance Foundation founder, Ryan Bomberger would call a factivist. Throughout this initial struggle Capra also credits prayer and the Bible for having inspired his creative direction and determination to see the job done.
.
‘I needed a basic, powerful idea, an idea that would spread like a prairie fire; an idea from which all ideas flowed. I thought of the Bible.There was one sentence in it that always gave me goose pimples: “You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free.” Did this also mean that the truth would make you strong? Strong enough to stop the Axis powers? What was the truth about this World War?
Well, Fascists and Warlords were trying to stamp out human freedom and establish their own world dictatorships…But how could I know that statement was true? Who proved it to me? Why the enemy himself proved it to me, in his acts, his books, his speeches, his films. That was the key idea I was searching for – on my feet in Pentagon halls, on my back in bed, and on my knees in pews.
Let the enemy prove to our soldiers the enormity of his cause – and the justness of ours!’ [ix]
Why We Fight was the end product of prayer, hard work and careful planning.
Seven documentaries were produced, and a new film category called information cinema came into being. These documentaries were Frank Capra’s answer to Leni Rienfenstahl’s Nazi propaganda film, ‘Triumph of the Will‘; something Capra himself called, ‘a blood-chilling super-spectacle; the ominous prelude to Hitler’s holocaust of hate.’ (p.328).
Given the current state of the world and the increasing examples of threats to religious freedom, free speech, freedom of association & freedom of conscience, Capra’s work stands as a clarion call from a bygone era.
Threats posed by excessive political correctness, the militant activism of subscribers to the LGBT religion, the twisting and quest to “own” science, the placement of feelings over facts. Including the appeasement of Islamism by its sympathisers in the West. All pushing for the triumph of their will over others, as they inject their lust for power into theology, biology, society and politics.
Capra’s clarion call rings true today, as much as it did yesterday:
“[In the slave world] men insist that progress lay in killing freedom.” (Why We Fight, 1942)
Like Capra, we are confronted with Jesus’ historical and eternal reminder,
“You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free.” (John 8:32)
And we stand on this, determined to not let the reasons for why we must take a stand, become hazy in our minds or the mind of society. We do this with the same skill, grace and determination because it is:
‘for freedom Christ has set us free; stand firm therefore, and do not submit again to a yoke of slavery’
(Paul to the Galatians 5:1, ESV)
References:
[i] Capra, F. 1971 The Name Above the Title Da Capo Press p.314
[ii] Ibid, p.314
[iii] Ibid, p.318
[iv] Capra Citing Marshall
[v] Ibid, p.326
[vi] Ibid, p.325
[vii] Ibid, p.325
[vii] Ibid, p.327
[viii] Ibid, p.330
[ix] Ibid, p.330
Pic credit:
Poster for IAWL (Wikipedia)
Photo of Frank Capra receiving the Distinguished Service Medal from U.S. Army Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall (Wikipedia)
(©RL2017)
In a 2006 article written for the Stanford Journal of International Relations, called ‘Responding To Genocide In Sudan[i]’, Stephan M. Doane lays out reasoning for a much needed, tougher international stand on the issues plaguing Sudan.
The article is dated, but raises, on an academic level, awareness about the plight of many South Sudanese people, who are stuck in a cycle of constant violence. Many of whom are Christians.
Doane’s piece is well researched. He argues that the humanitarian crisis in Sudan is less acknowledged by international stakeholders. For example, the U.N and the international community appear ‘indifferent’ towards the aggression and socio-political maneuvering of the Islamist North.
Evidence for this is found in the fact that up until at least 2006, when foreign aid was delivered to Sudan for distribution in the South, the North controlled when, where and who received it. As a result, International aid became one more way in which the North could control the South.
‘Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), was restricted by the North from bringing aid to South Sudan. Many died because of UN acquiescence to Khartoum demands that dictate where to allow passage of UN-sponsored flights. To this day (2006) the UN still grants the northern government authority over its relief efforts’ (Doane, p.2)
Demographically, the North of Sudan is ‘primarily Arab and Arab-African’ (p.1). Most of the North are Muslim who desired Sudan to become Muslim. Doane, citing Madut Jot’s ‘War and Slavary in Sudan’, 2001 states that ‘the resolute will to make Sudan an Arab and Islamic nation originates from the belief that
“Arabism has a superior rank than Africanism, based on the way they view the racial hierarchy”[…]‘Southern leaders were treated as second class citizens.’ The intent of the North was to implement Islamic law (Shari’a) and set up and Islamic state; ‘”it’s chosen hegemony” (p.2)’.
According to Doane, Sudan’s troubles can be traced back to its independence. When independence was formed, under a British civil administration in 1947, ‘many of the southern representatives present were not ready to accept the unity of the Sudan – due in large part to prior deception from the North’ (those deceptions aren’t elaborated on).
In 1955, a civil war erupted between North and South that lasted until 1972. This was initiated by the South and was triggered primarily because ‘the Sudanese government [sought] to subjugate southerners to a cultural, ethnic, and religious heritage that is not their own – Islam.(p.2)’
In 1983, civil war broke out again. This time towns were
‘ravaged by government troops and government supported milita caused internal displacement of southerners in gigantic proportions. The hijacking of food deliveries from international relief agencies resulted in more than 250,000 deaths by famine in 1988 alone, in addition to military casualties. Military victories by the Southern forces motivated a peace initiative which included the abolishment of Islamic Law (Shari’a) as the law of the land (p.2).’
Doane continues,
‘Displaced Southerners were often gathered in forced-labor camps as well as re-education camps where children are forced to learn Arabic, memorize the Qu’ran, convert to Islam, and are beaten or tortured if they do not comply. [Among other war crimes] Women are frequently raped; arbitrary arrests and imprisonment are common […] Government armies and government-supported Popular Defence Forces also sell southern women and children as slaves (p.2).’
Yet, even with these examples,
‘many international governments support the aggressor [the North] and its policy goals. In addition, the U.N has been reluctant to rebuke the Sudanese government for its human rights violations […] The international body most sympathetic to the northern government is the League of Arab States. Bulgaria, China, Iran, Iraq, Russia, and former Soviet Republics have all sold weapons to the northern government armies and state-sponsored militias (p.4).’
As Doane is right to point out, ‘what is most ironic,however, is Sudan’s membership on the UN Human Rights Commission.’ Furthermore, ‘the hypocrisy of selecting such an abusive government to judge human rights violaters reveals the extent to which the world has turned a blind eye to the [issue of slavery in Sudan] and the genocidal actions of the North.’
Sudan was a member of the UN Human Rights Commission from 1998-2000 and was assured a seat in the 2012[ii] election round for the Commission’s replacement, the UN Human Rights Council which replaced the Commission in 2006[iii]. The North’s candidacy was, however, vetoed when a ‘group of African nations petitioned against it’[iv], on the grounds of the human rights abuses carried out there by the North.
Doane also highlights how blind-eyed foreign investment in oil, helped the North exploit and torture the people of the South.
Citing Mindy Belz,
‘China’s petroleum firm (CNPC) reportedly purchased a high-tech radar system for the government last year. It was installed in summer, and since then the government bombing raids against southern targets (mostly churches and humanitarian relief organisations) have increased.’[v]
He then writes,
‘The windfall of revenue allowed the North to purchase sufficient military firepower to permanently eradicate the South Sudanese opposition. This impending possibility correlates with the stated vision and previous action of the despotic Khartoum regime, and this threat must not be taken lightly’ (p.5)
In concluding, Doane links up the War on Terror with continued oppression in the South. While the North supported the West in its War on Terror, the North had leverage over any committed effort by the international community to push for peace and justice for the South Sudanese:
‘It would be sadly, ironic if the deaths of thousands of civilians on September 11 provide a pretext that the North Sudanese Government could use to kill many more thousands of civilians with international impunity’ (p.8)
In other words, Christians and people of South Sudan were fighting a war against terror in their own right, only to be overlooked by the West, because they lacked the resources, voice, support, and recognition that its Northern neighbour had and has.
Doane’s essay is eleven years old and shows its age. It doesn’t 
mention the 2013 ethnically motivated civil war in the South, nor does it mention diplomatic efforts in the way of sanctions, pushed for by the recent Obama administration, efforts designed to censure the North. Also missing is the important historical note that in 2011, South Sudan found its own independence[vi].
Although independence was won, and civil war continues to linger, turmoil created by the North also continues. In 2012, the UN Security Council issued a resolution calling for a cessation of ‘repeated incidents of cross-border violence between [North] Sudan and South Sudan, including seizure of territory, support to proxy forces and aerial bombing.’[vii]
The South is a nation trying to find its way towards reconciliation. It’s a new nation, that fought a great struggle against much of what the world seems to ignore: militant Islamist expansionism, non-white racism, modern slavery, and religious genocide. Given their fight against terror and oppression; the calamity, division and devastation brought onto the South by the North, it’s no surprise, that two years after independence, the South was thrown into a civil war.
The strength and benefit of ‘Responding To Genocide In Sudan’ is found in its clear ability to raise awareness of the situation in Sudan. With over 45 references, it issues us with a reliable resource that gives invaluable insight into the whole of Sudan. Both what it is, what it was and what it may perhaps still become. It’s age shouldn’t be a deterrent to reading it.
South Sudan is a war torn land. It’s a land torn apart by wars spreading out over eight decades. There can be no doubt that the South Sudanese are an ostracized, isolated and suffering people, stuck in a perpetual cycle of violence.
Stephan Doane highlights this tragedy and the need for its quick remedy. Through it he also reminds us about what occurs when, once again, the world stands by in its appeasement of real totalitarians, who under the guise of peace, blind the world to the oppression of their people; disguising the insidious nature of an ideology that forges a toxic hegemony, from which the totalitarian can hide his or her crimes behind.
Sources: (underlined and hyperlinked where appropriate)
[i] Doane, S.M 2006 Responding to Genocide in Sudan: Barriers to Peace, International Indifference, and The Need for Tough Diplomacy, Stanford Journal of International Relations sourced 19th April 2017 from web.stanford.edu
[ii] Miller,J.R. 2012 “Genocidal Sudanese regime’s appointment to UN human rights council all but certain, watchdog says” sourced 19th April 2017 from http://www.foxnews.com
[iii] BBC, 2013 Concern Over New Human Rights Members sourced 19th April 2017 from http://www.bbc.com
[iv] Human Rights Watch, 2012 African Union: Don’t Endorse Sudan, Ethiopia for Rights Council, sourced 19th April 2017 from www.hrw.org
[v] Belz, M. 2001 Blood For Oil, World Magazine sourced 19th April 2017 from http://www.world.wng.org
[vi] Gettleman, J. 2011 After Years of Struggle, South Sudan Becomes a New Nation sourced sourced 19th April 2017 from http://www.nytimes.com
[vii] UN Security Council Meeting notes, 2012 Calls for an immediate halt to fighting sourced 19th April 2017 from http://www.un.org.
Photo Credits: Gregg Carlstrom (Creative commons).
(RL2017)
.
Relentless, I hear the sighs.
The “talentless” noticed by nothingness and its endless siren’s cry.
Sinking into the sands of insignificance,
. head lowering;
. a sun and its sinking glow;
. heart being dragged under by the weight of its undertow.
Hear the black dog that snarls and rides with the incoming tide.
See the fight from within.
As the fire of creativity lights up embers,
. and inhaled grace ignites.
For this battle belongs the beat of a drum,
. foot soldiers, metaphors, the Rock of offense;
. the white horse, its rider and the march of the second Adam.
Once more, embroiled in a stand-off with emptiness.
. Once more, engulfed in battle against listlessness.
. Once more, pushing back echoes that drift through the mist of a toxic mess.
This battle is fought in the shadows.
Where fists meet walls in nightmares,
and an exhausted silence follows.
Each bit of shade.
Every movement.
One more potential mask.
Insincerity and plasticity,
. hiding behind ersatz love, fabricated charity and a pristine facade.
Against which there is no retreat; no slide into the dark,
No giving in to the Black dog, its bite or grave digging bark.
Survival rides on our complete surrender to the white horse’s scarred rider;
The alpha, the omega; the finish and the start.
(©RL2017)
‘Submit yourselves therefore to God. Resist the devil, and he will flee from you.’ (James 4:7. ESV)
If you are among the few readers of this blog, or perhaps among the one or two Facebook friends that are following what I create musically, you may be interested in this.
I’ve managed to pin a melody to some rhythm and bass that I put together a few weeks ago. Sometimes when I’m working on an idea, I’ll come up with multiple different avenues and if they’re good enough, I’ll record those and set them aside for another day.
This particular instrumental came out of some prayerful playing and is as it is. I used three different guitars for this piece and the free play (not pre-programmed) piano option on garage band. The title comes from a poem a wrote a few months back called Soliloquy & Symphony.
Both the poetry and music are original. I was faced with somewhat of a dilemma with the end result. My time spent mixing this split the song into separate versions. Each version is alike.The only real difference being the rhythm guitar section.
I had a hard time deciding on which tune to stick with so after much consideration I’ve decided on posting both.
I’ve also thrown in a poem for good measure, and in case you’re wondering, a bagatelle is a short piece of music written for piano.
Let me know which version you prefer. I’m partial to version 2, but also really like the more full, gritty sound the rhythm provides in version 1.
Pax Vobiscum.
Version 1: with rhythm.
Version 2: without rhythm.
(©RL2017)
.
Wings stretch and earth darkens.
From West to East, wrists to wood
From the river of bitter vinegar, to where it merges with blood from the north.
South past open flesh,
. before which mockery stood.
To where pierced feet meet;
. on branch intersecting branch;
. where branch kills the vine,
. and the vine is laid to rest.
All within the borders
. of an empire, and an empire’s hornets’ nest.
To where silent spaces are professionally sealed
For fear of blind and impassioned zeal.
Before the scarlet X.
That marks the scarlet spot;
To the place where men and women,
. embalm the unforgettable
. with a burial cloth.
Look to the place forged by Light;
. to the heart of where the darkened,
. once received their sight.
To where the sudden presence of the messenger
disturbed the guards and the still of night.
There you’ll find that death
. and boulder was no match for Light from Uncreated Light.
There the fire-born, who stands inside this broken enclave.
turns to humanity and sets its gaze.
“From God comes His own humiliation.
This; God’s self-limitation, now become your exaltation.
This unforgettable vertical collision,
lifts the now forgiven.
Therefore, rise as you are raised.
For I tell you the truth, He is Risen!”
(©RL2017)
‘In the person of Jesus Christ, in the death of the Son of God on the cross and His resurrection from the dead. God allowed this humiliation to come upon Himself and this exaltation to be the lot of the other, humanity […] God could not be more glorious as God than in this inconceivable humiliation of Himself to humanity, and the no less inconceivable exaltation of humanity to Himself.’
-(Karl Barth, CD. II:1 pp.662-664)
